Some tips for Black undergraduates nowadays
Commentary by Chitown Kev
I live roughly a mile from one of the student encampments protesting Gaza and I am about a ten minute el ride from the student encampment at my alma mater. I thought to do my journalistic duty and go check out at least one and, perhaps both encampments.
Alas, the encampment nearest to me is now over. I’m frantically looking for updates about the encampment my alma mater but from what I’ve been reading at my old haunt, the Loyola Phoenix, the year is winding down and the has been no update for four days now (FWIW, I wouldn’t have covered any events like the political protest for the Phoenix, I covered the theatre beat).
I have a grand niece, K., in her first year at university in Los Angeles, attending the school that has had one of the more raucous protests. I’ve resisted the urge to call her to hear what’s going down.
Overall, I think that I’m more delighted to see these protests in support of the Palestinians than not. Considering that these students are now of eligible voting age (unlike most students in the 1960’s but very much like those students of the anti-apartheid protests of the 1980’s), if one feels so passionate about an issue that they want to see and affect change, go for it.
But I also have a severe disliking of the temperament that many of these protests have taken, with some aspects of the protests descending into severe antisemitic bigotry.
Black undergraduate students like my grand niece have to be extra careful. One of my Twitter buddies makes it a habit of posting this reminder that I, myself, heard when I was a teenager.
Yes, Black undergraduates at the Ivies and comparable institutions have peers of every race, creed, nationality, religion, gender identity and the like. Some will be lifelong friends. I understand the need to “ride and die” with those that are friends.
But always remember that when the sh*t goes down, you will be among the first picked up by the authorities. Singled out in the news media. Simply because you are Black and for no other reason.
Personally, I have never liked this aspect of “respectability” politics but it is something that I’ve had to keep in a corner of my mind, even now in my dotage, lol.
Now that I think of it, I have one other thing.
While I don’t like how this maxim has been applied since 2020, when choosing to protest and, perhaps, put life and limb on the line, you should really do your own research. Use the resources at the research library.
Talk to professors from as many sides of a conflict as possible. Don’t simply accept what one of your peers say. Be informed.
And then follow the dictates of your conscience.
Go forth and do what you do.
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News round up by dopper0189, Black Kos Managing Editor
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For college senior Nana Ampofo, an unconventional book club inside one of the nation’s largest jails has transformed her career ambitions.
Each week, the 22-year-old drives a van of her DePaul University peers to Cook County Jail to discuss books with inmates and recently, the well-known activist Sister Helen Prejean. Ampofo comes prepared with thought-provoking questions to launch the conversations at the Chicago jail about the most recent books they’ve been reading together.
One club rule is clear: Discussions about personal lives are encouraged, but no questions are permitted about why other members are in jail.
“That’s part of dehumanizing people. You want people to tell you their own story and have their own autonomy,” Ampofo said. “When you go in with an open mind, you see how similar people are to you.”
The student-led volunteer effort started years ago as an offshoot of a DePaul program offering college credit classes at the jail on the city’s southwest side for students and detainees. The book club, with a new cohort each academic quarter, tackles books that resonate personally with group members who are nearly all Black or Latino.
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That makes the party an interesting case study of how race and politics interact in South Africa three decades after apartheid. In most countries the main opposition party might benefit from a fall in support for the ruling party: the anc, which won 57.5% of the vote in 2019, may get 40% this time, according to some polls. Yet John Steenhuisen, the da’s leader, says that for his party to win 22%, as it did ten years ago, would be a major achievement.
This is a curiously modest ambition for a party which, on paper at least, has a lot going for it. The da boasts a strong nationwide presence, having been the largest opposition party since 1999, and a stellar track record in the places where it has been elected to govern. On the campaign trail, Mr Steenhuisen rightly emphasises that the party controls South Africa’s best-run metropolitan area (the city of Cape Town); the best-run secondary city (Drakenstein); and the best-run small town (Swartland); as rated by Good Governance Africa, a think-tank. All these are in the Western Cape province, also run by the da.
It enjoys another major advantage: a level playing field. South Africa is renowned for the strength of its democracy. Elections are free and fair. Opposition parties are able to campaign without harassment or intimidation.
The da’s problem is mathematically obvious. In a country that is 81% black you will remain an opposition party if you cannot win over much of the majority. It draws most of its support from the country’s minorities: whites, mixed-race “coloured” people and those of Asian descent.
But why is this so? There are three reasons: pedigree, personalities and policies. The da traces its roots to liberal parties that opposed the National Party, the architects of apartheid. It argues, with some justification, that it has the most diverse candidates of any party in South Africa today. Yet in a country with a history of white supremacy, most black voters have historically leaned towards the party of Nelson Mandela or its offshoots. “Of course I’m not naive,” says Mr Steenhuisen. “Race will play a role. But I take great heart from experiences in other democracies. Barack Obama was a minority in America, and he was able to get elected.”
To put it mildly, Mr Steenhuisen, a white man, is no Barack Obama.
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No woman had ever preached the keynote sermon at the Joint National Baptist Convention, a gathering of four historically Black Baptist denominations representing millions of people.
That changed in January when the Rev. Gina Stewart took the convention stage in Memphis, Tennessee — the Southern city home to Christ Missionary Baptist Church where she serves as senior pastor — and delivered a rousing message, asserting that Jesus not only included women in his ministry, but identified with their suffering.
But what happened next put a spotlight on the obstacles women in Christian ministry continue to face as they carve out leadership space within the patriarchal culture of the Black Church in America. Several women pastors told The Associated Press that it should serve as the breaking point.
“This is an example of no matter how high you rise as a woman, you’re going to meet patriarchy at the top of the hill,” said Martha Simmons, founder of Women of Color in Ministry, which helps women navigate the process of getting ordained. “The next Norton Anthology of African American preaching is probably 20 years away, but that sermon will be in there.”
Despite the enthusiastic reception for Stewart, the original recording of her historic sermon disappeared from the convention’s Facebook page, setting off a social media firestorm — driven mostly by women — protesting its removal. A recording of the sermon later appeared, but it was followed by accusations the convention edited her closing remarks, which challenges the four allied denominations to support women in ministry.
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From under-diagnosis to access to treatment, Black women remain the most vulnerable to breast cancer — and no one individual or organization can tackle these challenges alone. The Grio: For Black women in the U.S., the odds of surviving breast cancer must change
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Along with the “second wave” of feminism, the 1970s marked the start of the breast cancer awareness movement, with several prominent public figures bringing attention to the need for education, scientific research, and support for this disease. Since that time, major strides have been made in the prevention, detection, and treatment of breast cancer, and today, significantly fewer women are dying from the disease. However, these advances have not benefited everyone equally; Black women are 40% more likely to die from breast cancer compared to white women. And the disparity among younger women is even more pronounced: Black women under the age of 50 are twice as likely to die from breast cancer than white women of the same age.
As a physician and scientist — and someone of African descent — I am acutely aware of the devastating impact that breast cancer has on our community. In my over two-and-a-half decades of clinical practice, I am also no stranger to seeing the same disease impacting people differently across races, ethnicities and socioeconomic backgrounds.
I am dedicated not only to addressing health disparities but also to better understanding those who experience them. Who are they? Where do they live? When do they receive the life-changing news that they have cancer? And, when they do find out, how do they navigate the healthcare system to receive appropriate and optimal care?
The unfortunate reality is that Black men and women generally have lower rates of cancer screenings overall. Black women are more likely to be diagnosed with breast cancer at an advanced stage, when the disease is more complicated to treat, and are twice as likely to be diagnosed with triple-negative breast cancer, an aggressive form that has fewer treatment options. In addition, Black women have the lowest 5-year relative survival rate for every stage of breast cancer at diagnosis. This points to significant gaps in accessing quality care and treatment following a diagnosis.
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The Louisiana Supreme Court ruled Friday in favor of the controversial proposed City of St. George, saying organizers followed the proper steps for incorporation, overturning the rulings of lower courts.
The state's highest court ruled that St. George's plan for incorporation was reasonable and would be able to provide its residents with proper public services. Court justices ruled in favor of the new city four to three, with Chief Justice John Weimer, Justice Scott Crichton and Justice Piper Griffin dissenting.
Baton Rouge leaders took St. George organizers to court in 2019 over the proposed city, just two weeks after 54% of voters living within the proposed city’s limits voted “yes” on the incorporation in a November election.
Baton Rouge leaders argued in their petition — and had argued for years leading up to the election — that the new city would financially cripple Baton Rouge’s city-parish services and force layoffs by taking away an estimated $48.3 million in annual tax revenue. They also argued that St. George’s proposed budget was inaccurate and that it’d actually operate with a deficit.
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